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TIME: Almanac 1990
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1990 Time Magazine Compact Almanac, The (1991)(Time).iso
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time
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071089
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07108900.031
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1990-09-17
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WORLD, Page 32CHINARise of a Perfect ApparatchikDeng asserts his authority with a surprise party appointment
The new name at the top of the party roster reads Jiang Zemin,
but power in China still rests in the hands of a few octogenarians.
So it made sense for them to choose as party General Secretary a
man known as "the weather vane." Jiang is the consummate
apparatchik, whose rise to nominal power rests almost wholly on his
ability to read China's swirling political winds correctly. The
63-year-old former mayor of Shanghai perfectly mirrors the party
line of the moment -- slower economic reform coupled with rigid
political orthodoxy -- as he made clear last week in his maiden
address. Jiang skipped lightly over his long-standing commitment
to open-door economics in favor of defending the wave of repression
that has followed the crash of the democracy movement. Said the
party boss: "We shouldn't have an iota of forgiveness."
As Jiang settled into his new job, the purge widened against
party officials and intellectuals associated with his more moderate
predecessor, Zhao Ziyang, who was formally dismissed on June 24
from most of his major posts but not the party. The country was
also subjected to an intense campaign aimed at building the
visibility of 84-year-old Deng Xiaoping, who used to eschew the
cult of personality but has come out of semiretirement to show that
he is still firmly in charge. A speech Deng delivered on June 9
defending his order to the army to remove the demonstrators from
Tiananmen Square was broadcast last week and widely praised by
officials. Copies were distributed to schoolchildren for summer
study.
The most important evidence of Deng's strength may be the
unexpected appointment of Jiang. The beefy Shanghai official does
not have any national power base or ties to the army, which makes
him no threat to anyone in the hierarchy and thoroughly beholden
to those who appointed him. As a tough-minded disciplinarian and
agile implementer of policy, he is an ideal Secretary. "Deng is
once again very much a hands-on leader," said a senior British
diplomat.
Other analysts read the elevation of a political neuter like
Jiang as a signal that the succession battle between conservatives
and liberals is not over. "He's manageable, and he'll serve as a
placeholder until this power struggle is sorted out," said an Asian
diplomat in Beijing. Still other observers thought Jiang owed his
new job to a very recent success: his skillful "big lie" campaign
aimed at convincing many Chinese that no civilian massacre ever
happened.
Born in Yangzhou, near Shanghai, Jiang was educated as an
engineer. He was sent to train in Moscow during the same period as
hard-line Premier Li Peng. Unusually cosmopolitan for a Chinese
leader, Jiang speaks Russian and English and reads several other
languages. He advanced steadily in the machine and electronics
industries until the Cultural Revolution temporarily derailed his
career. Rehabilitated, he used his back-room skills in carrying out
post-Mao economic policy to earn him election in 1982 to the
Central Committee.
When Deng sought to develop Shanghai into a major industrial
center, he turned to the faithful Jiang as the city's mayor.
Jiang's unswerving orthodoxy and ability to bend at the slightest
breeze endeared him to his Beijing superiors but not to
Shanghainese. Nor were they impressed by his mediocre abilities as
an administrator. After three years, he was shifted to Shanghai
party chief in 1988 to make way for a more effective mayor.
Many observers predict that Jiang's incumbency as party
Secretary will be equally short-lived, in the mode of Hua Guofeng,
who first succeeded Mao Zedong. Hua warmed the top party chair for
five years while Deng emerged. Just how long Jiang can hang on may
depend less on his legendary skills at reading the political wind
than on the longevity of the old men who lifted him to power.